The embattled dream of Palestine
By THE EDITORIAL BOARD of the New York Times
DEC. 19, 2014
The vision of two separate states, with Israelis and Palestinians living side by side in peace, has been at the core of years of arduous negotiations to solve the Middle East conflict. But with the two-state solution no closer to reality than it was decades ago, some Israelis on the far right are pushing other possibilities — including what might be called a one-state solution that could involve Israel’s annexing the largely Palestinian West Bank. A national election set for March could determine whether this idea has a serious future.
It is, admittedly, a long shot. Anything less than statehood will not satisfy the Palestinians’ longing for a self-governing homeland or end the resentment of Israeli rule that leads to unrest. Successive Israeli governments, including that of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, have long negotiated on the basis of a two-state solution, and the international community, starting with the United States, remains firmly, and correctly, committed to this end.
Even so, it is little surprise that some are seeking alternatives. After countless negotiating failures, there is declining confidence in a peaceful solution. When the latest American-mediated round collapsed in June, a Pew Research Center poll found that 45 percent of Israelis and 60 percent of Palestinians in the West Bank believe that Israel and a Palestinian state cannot coexist peacefully.
Among those pushing a one-state alternative is Naftali Bennett, the hard-line leader of the Jewish Home party and a challenger to Mr. Netanyahu. The two-state idea centers on Israel’s ceding land seized during the 1967 war, with minor adjustments. Mr. Bennett has a different vision. “You think that we need to give up our land to the ’67 lines, plus/minus, swap it, whatever,” he said recently. “I don’t. My people don’t. We think that would be tantamount to national suicide.”
He says that Israel, which withdrew from Gaza in 2005, cannot tolerate a contiguous Palestinian state that, in his view, would become a haven for terrorists. He would annex some 60 percent of the West Bank where Israel exercises full control, but he would give Palestinians more autonomy in areas of the West Bank administered by the Palestinian Authority, upgrading roads and removing checkpoints. Similar, though hardly identical, proposals abound. Dani Dayan, a leader of Israel’s settler community, is promoting a gauzy notion of “reconciliation” with Palestinians that he admits is “not a plan for permanent peace.”
Since becoming Israel’s president, Reuven Rivlin has said he will not push any particular solution to the conflict but will let the democratic process play out. However, in the past he has rejected the idea of territorial partition to make way for an independent Palestinian state and advocated combining Israel and the West Bank into a single Jewish state, presumably under overall Israeli sovereignty and control. He is an advocate of equal rights for the Palestinians.
As The Times has reported, some Palestinians are also tempted by a one-state solution, but talk of full rights draws skepticism. Many Palestinians who live in Israel and are citizens already feel they are discriminated against and fear this will worsen if Israel adopts a new law under consideration emphasizing the country’s Jewishness over democracy. There are risks in annexation and a one-state solution for Israelis, too. Many Israelis worry that will lead to a Palestinian majority, thus endangering the country’s democratic ideals and Jewish character.
With negotiations stalled and Israel narrowing the space for a peace deal by expanding settlements, Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, has made a desperation play for a two-state solution. He is pushing the United Nations Security Council to adopt a resolution that would set a deadline for full Israel withdrawal from the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and for recognition of a Palestinian state. He has strong support from Europe, where some governments have ratcheted up the pressure on Israel by individually endorsing Palestinian statehood.
The United States, trying to protect Israel’s interest, wants at the very least to delay a Security Council vote until after the Israeli election. That makes sense, since a showdown now almost certainly will benefit the opponents of a two-state solution. The campaign — in which a coalition formed by Isaac Herzog, head of the opposition Labor party, and Tzipi Livni, the recently dismissed justice minister, favors a two-state solution — is likely to focus on domestic issues. But the outcome could well determine the prospects for the elusive dream of a Palestinian state.
Correction: December 20, 2014
An earlier version of this article inaccurately described the position of President Rivlin of Israel. He has in the past advocated a single Jewish state, but has said since that as president he will not push for any particular outcome.
DEC. 19, 2014
The vision of two separate states, with Israelis and Palestinians living side by side in peace, has been at the core of years of arduous negotiations to solve the Middle East conflict. But with the two-state solution no closer to reality than it was decades ago, some Israelis on the far right are pushing other possibilities — including what might be called a one-state solution that could involve Israel’s annexing the largely Palestinian West Bank. A national election set for March could determine whether this idea has a serious future.
It is, admittedly, a long shot. Anything less than statehood will not satisfy the Palestinians’ longing for a self-governing homeland or end the resentment of Israeli rule that leads to unrest. Successive Israeli governments, including that of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, have long negotiated on the basis of a two-state solution, and the international community, starting with the United States, remains firmly, and correctly, committed to this end.
Even so, it is little surprise that some are seeking alternatives. After countless negotiating failures, there is declining confidence in a peaceful solution. When the latest American-mediated round collapsed in June, a Pew Research Center poll found that 45 percent of Israelis and 60 percent of Palestinians in the West Bank believe that Israel and a Palestinian state cannot coexist peacefully.
Among those pushing a one-state alternative is Naftali Bennett, the hard-line leader of the Jewish Home party and a challenger to Mr. Netanyahu. The two-state idea centers on Israel’s ceding land seized during the 1967 war, with minor adjustments. Mr. Bennett has a different vision. “You think that we need to give up our land to the ’67 lines, plus/minus, swap it, whatever,” he said recently. “I don’t. My people don’t. We think that would be tantamount to national suicide.”
He says that Israel, which withdrew from Gaza in 2005, cannot tolerate a contiguous Palestinian state that, in his view, would become a haven for terrorists. He would annex some 60 percent of the West Bank where Israel exercises full control, but he would give Palestinians more autonomy in areas of the West Bank administered by the Palestinian Authority, upgrading roads and removing checkpoints. Similar, though hardly identical, proposals abound. Dani Dayan, a leader of Israel’s settler community, is promoting a gauzy notion of “reconciliation” with Palestinians that he admits is “not a plan for permanent peace.”
Since becoming Israel’s president, Reuven Rivlin has said he will not push any particular solution to the conflict but will let the democratic process play out. However, in the past he has rejected the idea of territorial partition to make way for an independent Palestinian state and advocated combining Israel and the West Bank into a single Jewish state, presumably under overall Israeli sovereignty and control. He is an advocate of equal rights for the Palestinians.
As The Times has reported, some Palestinians are also tempted by a one-state solution, but talk of full rights draws skepticism. Many Palestinians who live in Israel and are citizens already feel they are discriminated against and fear this will worsen if Israel adopts a new law under consideration emphasizing the country’s Jewishness over democracy. There are risks in annexation and a one-state solution for Israelis, too. Many Israelis worry that will lead to a Palestinian majority, thus endangering the country’s democratic ideals and Jewish character.
With negotiations stalled and Israel narrowing the space for a peace deal by expanding settlements, Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, has made a desperation play for a two-state solution. He is pushing the United Nations Security Council to adopt a resolution that would set a deadline for full Israel withdrawal from the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and for recognition of a Palestinian state. He has strong support from Europe, where some governments have ratcheted up the pressure on Israel by individually endorsing Palestinian statehood.
The United States, trying to protect Israel’s interest, wants at the very least to delay a Security Council vote until after the Israeli election. That makes sense, since a showdown now almost certainly will benefit the opponents of a two-state solution. The campaign — in which a coalition formed by Isaac Herzog, head of the opposition Labor party, and Tzipi Livni, the recently dismissed justice minister, favors a two-state solution — is likely to focus on domestic issues. But the outcome could well determine the prospects for the elusive dream of a Palestinian state.
Correction: December 20, 2014
An earlier version of this article inaccurately described the position of President Rivlin of Israel. He has in the past advocated a single Jewish state, but has said since that as president he will not push for any particular outcome.